哈德遜研究所描繪的「後中共中國」
最近，美國華盛頓的哈德遜研究所發布了一份名為《後共產主義時代的中國：為後中共時代中國作準備》的重磅報告，由余茂春先生編輯。這份報告不僅僅是學術研究，更是一份為未來自由中國繪製的路線圖，它深入探討了中共政權垮台後，國際社會應該如何應對，以及中國自身應如何轉型以實現穩定與繁榮。
Recently, the Hudson Institute in Washington, D.C., released a significant report titled “China after Communism: Preparing for a Post-CCP China,” edited by Mr. Miles Yu. This report is not merely academic research; it’s a roadmap for a future free China, deeply exploring how the international community should respond after the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) regime, and how China itself should transition to achieve stability and prosperity.
報告中，我特別留意到關於美國特種部隊 (US SOF) 在中共垮台後穩定局勢的設想。這並非外界所擔心的「干預」或「入侵」，而是旨在協助臨時政府，保護關鍵基礎設施，並促進新政府的和平誕生，強調要「透過、與、和」當地行為者合作。這讓我不禁聯想到二戰期間美國在中國的經驗，歷史確實能為未來提供借鑑，尤其是那些未竟的任務。
In the report, I paid particular attention to the concept of U.S. Special Operations Forces (US SOF) stabilizing the situation after the CCP’s collapse. This is not the “intervention” or “invasion” that some might fear; rather, it aims to assist provisional authorities, protect critical infrastructure, and facilitate the peaceful emergence of a new government, emphasizing working “by, with, and through” local actors. This reminds me of the U.S. experience in China during World War II; history can indeed offer lessons for the future, especially for unfinished missions.
更重要的是，報告直指中共生物武器基礎設施對全球安全的巨大威脅。它強調，在中共政權倒台後，必須精準打擊並徹底銷毀這些雙重用途的生物武器設施，防止其落入不法之手，造成全球性災難。這點我完全贊同，因為中共的這些行為早已跨越道德底線，其軍民融合政策讓生物研究充滿風險，對全球構成非傳統安全威脅。
More importantly, the report directly points out the immense threat posed by the CCP’s bioweapons infrastructure to global security. It emphasizes that, after the collapse of the CCP regime, these dual-use bioweapons facilities must be precisely targeted and completely destroyed to prevent them from falling into illicit hands and causing a global catastrophe. I fully agree with this point, as the CCP’s actions have long crossed moral boundaries; its military-civilian fusion policy makes biological research extremely risky, posing a non-traditional security threat globally.
此外，報告深入分析了中國金融體系的結構性缺陷，認為它是自第二次世界大戰以來，甚至可能是人類歷史上最大的經濟和金融災難。它提出，後中共時代必須對中國金融體系進行徹底的自由化改革，包括資本重組、廢除不正當債務、國有資產私有化以及權力下放。中共的政策從根本上扼殺了中國的經濟潛力，只有自由化的金融架構才能帶來真正的國內繁榮與全球市場的融合。
Furthermore, the report thoroughly analyzes the structural flaws in China’s financial system, deeming it potentially the greatest economic and financial catastrophe since World War II, or possibly in human history. It proposes that a post-CCP era must entail a complete liberalization of China’s financial system, including recapitalization, repudiation of illegitimate debts, privatization of state assets, and decentralization. The CCP’s policies have fundamentally stifled China’s economic potential; only a liberalized financial architecture can bring true domestic prosperity and integration with global markets.
同時，報告也描繪了如何重組和專業化人民解放軍 (PLA)、人民武裝警察部隊 (PAP) 和民兵。它建議保留一支更精簡、更負責的軍隊，專注於國防和災害救援，並解散那些與政治鎮壓相關的部隊。一個沒有霸權野心的中國軍隊，才能真正融入國際社會，參與維和行動和太空探索夥伴關係。
Concurrently, the report also outlines how to restructure and professionalize the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), People’s Armed Police (PAP), and People’s Militia. It recommends retaining a leaner, more accountable military force focused on national defense and disaster relief, while disbanding units associated with political repression. A Chinese military force without hegemonic ambitions can then truly integrate into the international community and participate in peacekeeping operations and space exploration partnerships.
對於中共龐大的安全和間諜機構，報告也提出了解體方案。借鑒東歐政治轉型的經驗，特別是拆除秘密警察網絡和開放檔案供公眾審查，這將是揭露真相、走向正義的必由之路。這對於恢復社會信任，讓中國人民擺脫數十年來無處不在的監控和恐懼至關重要。
Regarding the CCP’s vast security and espionage apparatus, the report also proposes a dismantlement plan. Drawing lessons from European political transitions, particularly dismantling secret police networks and opening archives for public scrutiny, this will be an essential path to revealing the truth and moving towards justice. This is crucial for restoring social trust and freeing the Chinese people from decades of pervasive surveillance and fear.
在人權方面，報告強調了在過渡時期保護人權的重要性，特別關注中國的五個自治區：廣西、新疆、西藏、內蒙古和寧夏。它呼籲美國應介入以防止種族暴力和政治報復，並強調需要採取措施減輕包括基督徒和法輪功在內的其他受壓迫群體的怨恨。這正是我一直以來所呼籲的，任何新政權都必須直面這些歷史遺留問題，才能真正實現和解。
In terms of human rights, the report emphasizes the importance of protecting human rights during a transitional period, with a special focus on China’s five autonomous regions: Guangxi, Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, and Ningxia. It calls for U.S. intervention to prevent ethnic violence and political retribution, highlighting the need for measures to alleviate grievances of other groups, including Christians and Falun Gong. This is precisely what I have always advocated for; any new regime must confront these historical issues to truly achieve reconciliation.
此外，報告提出建立一個類似南非模式的真相與和解委員會。唯有通過調查和公開披露過去的罪行，中國才能真正擺脫過往的邪惡，實現平穩過渡。這也印證了我多年來的想法，和平轉向民主，離不開寬恕與和解。
Furthermore, the report proposes establishing a truth and reconciliation commission modeled after South Africa’s. Only through the investigation and public disclosure of past crimes can China truly move beyond past evils and achieve a peaceful transition. This also confirms my long-held belief that a peaceful transition to democracy is impossible without forgiveness and reconciliation.
最後，報告還展望了後共產主義中國如何建立憲政民主，起草新憲法。它探討了制憲會議如何運作，以及某些地區的邊界是否應重新劃定，還有中國與台灣的關係將如何轉變，甚至新國家的名稱。這是一個宏偉的設想，但對於我們這些追求自由民主的人來說，它是唯一的出路。這份報告為我們描繪了一個值得為之奮鬥的未來。
Finally, the report also looks ahead to how a post-Communist China can establish a constitutional democracy and draft a new constitution. It discusses how a constitutional convention would work, whether the boundaries of certain regions should be redrawn, how China’s relationship with Taiwan should change, and even what the new country’s name should be. This is a grand vision, but for those of us who pursue freedom and democracy, it is the only way forward. This report paints a future worth fighting for.